An open letter to my Muslim brothers

ARINDAM CHAUDHURI

Dear Muslim Brothers,

AC train fares to increase by more than 3% from October 1

Maoist hardliners 'ban' Indian cars, movies in Nepal

Prachanda

Floods, landslides displace 1 million in northeast, 33 dead

Army personnel shift flood-affected people to safer place, at a village in Sonitpur district of Assam. (PTI photo)

ఏది సత్యం ఏదాసత్యం

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12 episodes later, Modi's Mann Ki Baat still a big hit

Be it the revival of khadi, spreading environmental awareness or launching cleanliness campaign, every idea became magnified when it was addressed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the unique 'Mann ki Baat' programme, which completed 12 episodes on September 20. While khadi became a fashion statement among the youth, the selfie with daughter campaign virtually caught the attention of lakhs of people. As his monthly radio address to the nation completed a year, Modi thanked people for their response and said the programme has become the nation's mann ki baat. "I sought inputs from you... so many people contributed. The lakhs of letters taught me invaluable lessons. I got to know about the issues in the government," he said on the programme on Sunday. Congratulating people for their enthusiastic response on various issues, he said people power was very important in a democracy. "Mann ki Baat showcased samaaj ki shakti (strength of the people)," he added. A senior official of

A Rule Of Law Culture

Rule of law has meant different things to different people at different times. This prompted constitutional historian Ivor Jennings to characterise it as "an unruly horse". It may be difficult to define the concept with precision but in essence it signifies commitment to certain principles and values. An essential principle of rule of law is that every executive action, if it is to operate to the prejudice of any person, must have legislative authority to support it. When John Adams used the historic phrase, "a government of laws and not of men", what was emphasised was that law and not whimsicality or caprice should govern the conduct and affairs of people. Rule of law symbolises the quest of civilised democratic societies to combine that degree of liberty without which law is tyranny with that degree of law without which liberty becomes licence. Thanks to the prevalence of rule of law in our country, no official can detain a person unless there is legislative authority

A self-aware, organised and active society is the remedy for all the misconceptions in the society – Sri Bhayyaji Joshi, Sarkaryavah, RSS

 A two day seminar was held on secularism for columnists in Chennai, Tamil Nadu on September 19^th and 20^th. The event, organised by Prachar Vibagh of RSS was inaugurated by Sri Suresh ‘Bhaiyyaji’ Joshi (Sarkaryavah, All India General Secretary of RSS) on 19^th September and attended by more than 80 columnists from Southern states of India.

Eminent personalities such as Sri Balbir Punj (Vice President of BJP), Sri Prafulla Ketkar (Editor of Organiser), Sri N K Singh (Senior Journalist), Smt. Madhavi  Diwan (Senior Advocate, Supreme Court), Sri K G Suresh (Editorial Advisor, Doordarshan), Dr. Makkhan Lal (Founder Director, Delhi Institute of Heritage Research and Management) and Sri S Gurumurthy (Auditor and Columnist) presented their views on various aspects of Secularism within their respective domains such as politics, media, constitutional law and education. 

Dr. Manmohan Vaidya, while summarising the deliberations wondered, why the word ‘Secularism’ was included in the Preamble of our Constitution during the dark period of emergency. The constitution makers discussed and deliberated on this point in detail and decided that it was not necessary to include the same. He requested the legal luminaries and political experts to ponder over this issue and to see whether the intention was to initiate divisive communal politics in our country.

Sri Bhiyyaji Joshi delivered the valedictory address today. He spoke about the confusions that prevail in the society such as the name of the nation (India Vs Bharat), Country Vs State Vs Nation, Citizen Vs National, Patriot Vs Friend of nation, Anti-national Vs Enemy of the nation, Invader Vs Native Ruler etc. Many of these confusions were infused by people with divisive interests including British and shallow political discourse. Current day democratic set up assumes to have absolute right over the public discourse which was not the case in pre-independent Indian society. There was a clear distinction between the rights and responsibilities of both the ruler and society. The same is needed now, for example government can impart education while the character building has to be done by the society.  

He also said that a secular state should not allow any sects or community to infringe upon the rights of other sects or communities. However, in Bharat today, the religious minorities are given preferential treatment. For example in Nagaland, Mizoram and Kashmir though the minority community is in majority, they enjoy all the privileges available to minorities. He concluded saying that a democracy is only successful if the people are self-aware, organised and active.

Bose was a lot more than calendar art Netaji

The declassification of the Netaji Files must free Bose from chains of political myth-making and allow for the homecoming of a nationalist who believed thatrashtrabhakti is a synthesis of the spiritual and the political

In a country where Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is hero-worshipped across party-lines and is revered as an icon no less than others enshrined on the throne of history by the Congress to appease the Nehru Dynasty, it remains a mystery of sorts why the grandiosely named All-India Forward Bloc is rarely if ever mentioned as a participant in current politics. After all, the Forward Bloc came into being in 1939 when Bose, like the proverbial storm petrel, clashed with the entrenched leadership of the Congress.

A split with the party, though not within the party, was inevitable after his famous spat with Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. The Forward Bloc now describes itself as a “Left-wing nationalist party” and till such time the CPI(M) ruled West Bengal, it survived on crumbs thrown its way by the Communists who were never quite comfortable with the popular imagery of Netaji in jackboots. With the demise of the Left Front in West Bengal, the Forward Bloc is now a fading footnote of history: Even if by some magic the Marxists were to revive their political fortune, it is doubtful the Forward Bloc will bounce back with a zing.

The unprecedented mass interest elicited in the ‘Netaji Files’ which the Government of India refuses to declassify for reasons that defy credulity would suggest greater support for the political legacy, or what passes for it, of Bose in the form of the Forward Bloc. The tidal wave of congratulatory messages for West Bengal’s Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee who, cocking a snook at New Delhi, has declassified 64 files pertaining to Bose (historian Rudrangshu Mukherjee has described them as ‘police files’) would endorse that suggestion.

The reality is to the contrary. Bose family notables are firmly aligned with the Trinamool Congress and not the Forward Bloc. This could well be explained as no more than one of the vagaries that define politics in our times. But nonetheless it is a point to ponder over, even if casually and with passing interest. Others would earnestly argue that perhaps the time has come for one of India’s great leaders to be freed from the confines of political myth-making that has reduced him to calendar lithographs which adorn living rooms in provincial Bengal and the dimly lit offices of the Forward Bloc in Kolkata.

In a sense, that would mark the posthumous homecoming for a nationalist who believed that rashtrabhakti is a synthesis of religion and nationalism, of the spiritual and the political. In the early decades of this century, when others were looking up to Gandhi for inspiration, Bose was looking elsewhere for guidance: His search for a religious philosophy that would spur political activism led him to explore the teachings of Swami Vivekananda and the writings of Aurobindo Ghosh. The latter made a lasting impression on his mind, providing his political activism with a religious side.

The profound Impact that Aurobindo Ghosh had on Subhas Chandra Bose is reflected in his autobiography: “In my undergraduate days, Aurobindo Ghosh was easily the most popular leader in Bengal… a mixture of spirituality and politics had given him a halo of mysticism and made his personality more fascinating to those who were religiously inclined… We felt convinced that spiritual enlightenment was necessary for effective national service…”

It is, therefore, not surprising that he should have also been influenced by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s construction of nationalism. And like Aurobindo Ghosh, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay and Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the Indian nation for him extended beyond the geographical to the devotional plane. During his college days he discovered the wretchedness of not India but “impoverished Mother India.”

Curiously, his view of the other India, the one which appears so distant from the fashionable drawing rooms and glittering malls of our cities, is not different from those who believe that a divide separates ‘us’ and ‘them’. For, “the picture of real India”, which Bose described as “the India of the villages where poverty stalks the land, men die like flies, and illiteracy is the prevailing order”, is also the India which many believe should receive priority over that India which revels in rejecting anything that carries the label ‘Made in India’, including Hindu spirituality and religious philosophy.

In his book, Brothers Against The Raj, Leonard A Gordon writes about Bose’s quest for a religious philosophy to serve as the core of nationalism and sustain his political activism: “Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape.” And it was this “religious exploration” that set apart Bose from Jawaharlal Nehru for whom “this was a vain quest”. Although Bose scrupulously avoided publishing his faith or his quest, he remained firm in his belief that “Hinduism was an essential part of his Indianness”, his Bharatiyata. In other words, he subscribed to cultural nationalism or, call it if you must by its other name, Hindutva.

This did not, however, make him a bigoted Hindu, nor did it propel him towards Hindu orthodoxy. Commenting on the “definite Hindu streak in Bose’s dislike for Gandhi”, Nirad C Chaudhuri records in his memoirs, Thy Hand! Great Anarch, “He was in no sense a bigoted or even orthodox Hindu. But he had grown up in the first two decades of the twentieth century in Bengal, where, owing to the influence of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay and Swami Vivekananda, there was a fusion of religion and nationalism, so that the nationalist feeling had a pronounced Hindu complexion and Hinduism a pronounced political character.”

This “fusion of religion and nationalism” and Hinduism with a “pronounced political character” came into play in 1925 when during his incarceration at Mandalay prison, Bose, along with the other Bengali prisoners, organised Durga Puja on the jail premises and demanded that the expenses be borne by the authorities. When the latter refused, Bose converted his spiritual quest into a political campaign by launching a hunger strike. This practice of political Hinduism had an electrifying impact on public opinion and soon the Swarajists lent their voice to the popular demand for the release of all political prisoners who had not been charged with specific crimes.

Those who deride nationalism, more so cultural nationalism, as narrow, selfish and aggressive, a hindrance to the promotion of internationalism, would do well to go through Bose’s speech at Poona after being elected president of the Maharashtra Provincial Conference. “Indian nationalism,” Bose asserted, “is inspired by the highest ideals of the human race, Satyam, Shivam, Sundaram. Nationalism in India has… roused the creative faculties which for centuries had been lying dormant in our people…

”Sadly, nationalism has now been rendered politically incorrect by our deracinated intelligentsia and abandoned by our corrupt political elite.

(The writer is a current affairs analyst based in NCR)

History Strikes Back

 

There is a timeless tide that subterraneously links disparate events with genetic memory, intermittently spouting through fissures created by seismic shifts in the segueing of civilisations. The reasons for these outbreaks are found in the cultural genomes of a people, and create icons and demons.

A R Rahman is a national treasure. When he sings Vande Mataram, the sheer emotion in his voice transforms it into a choreography of patriotism. Only the most retarded of bigots can issue a fatwa against him. The VHP’s invitation of ghar wapsi to Rahman, however, and the suggestion that he converted only for commercial reasons are unsophisticated expressions of nationalism.

‘Jai ho’ has nothing to do with banning meat either, using the Jain festival, Paryushan, as an excuse. In fact, during that period, Jains don’t consume even green vegetables. Someone missed that point. The meat ban and renaming of Aurangzeb Road became judicial issues and nearly polarised communities. Cancelling the Eid holiday in Rajasthan, which the state government later denied, was some babu’s misguided idea of currying favour. Secularists are ruining their vocal chords over incidents like these, but do not bother to turn back the pages of history to understand the reasons why they occur.

Millennia before Newton, action and reaction has been the essence of Hindu knowledge. It established karma as a diminishing return and that the aim of a soul is to become one with the Supreme. Almost all major religions wait for Judgment Day. In Hinduism, there is only salvation.

This spiritual code of ancient Hindus was violated, and the seeds of provocation and polarisation were sown in 636 CE, when the Umayid Uthman Abul As Al Sakifi, the governor of Bahrain and Oman, sent his navy to attack Thane, near Mumbai. In 724 AD, Junaid b. Abd Al Rahman Al Marri killed Raja Jai Singh in battle, attacked Southern Punjab and the Kangra valley. He was the first to destroy the Somnath Temple. Starting in 1001, Mahmud Ghazni despoiled temples in Varanasi, Mathura, Ujjain, Maheshwar, Jwalamukhi, Somnath and Dwarka. He massacred the defenders of Somnath Temple which he looted and destroyed. Then came the Delhi Sultanate, the Mamluks, the Lodis, Timur who razed Delhi, which lay uninhabited for decades after the pogrom, and the Mughals. Each one of them imposed Islam violently on India, converting Hindus through bribes and threats, mercilessly killing those who refused. Millions perished. The invaders murdered Sikh gurus. Rajput women committed sati rather than fall into their hands. Aurangzeb and Shah Jehan were among the worst, wiping out temples, imposing religious taxes and changing food habits. The British were maestros of communal polarisation. The Congress wooed Muslims with sops and created vote banks. Regional parties and the Communists too did the same.

The cumulative force of historical memory breached these fragile banks of time in May 2014. For the first time, there was an unambiguous democratic Hindu mandate to rule India. It may be wise to argue that times have changed, and development is the only valid mantra. But history has a long memory. It is a difficult dragon to ride and Narendra Modi’s biggest challenge is to hold its reins in place, until swachh Bharat becomes a global industrial and military power. Till then, history will keep retaliating against the past at the cost of the future.

ravi@newindianexpress.com